2011 Census analysis: Social and Economic Characteristics by Length of Residence of Migrant Populations in England and Wales

This short story uses 2011 census data to explore differences in socio-economic characteristics between UK-born and different non-UK born populations, over time. Data relating to nationality, economic activity, qualifications, occupation, housing tenure, English language proficiency and national identity are analysed and comparisons made by length of residence in the UK.

• Half (50% or 3.8 million) of the usually resident foreign-born population in England and Wales in 2011 came to the UK in the ten years prior to the 2011 Census; however, around a quarter had been resident in the UK for over 30 years

• Almost half (46%) of the total foreign-born population who were resident at the time of the 2011 Census held a UK passport; this increased to more than three quarters (77%) among those who had been resident in the UK for 30 years or more

• Of the 6 million foreign-born population aged 16 to 64, 63% were in employment, a slightly lower level than the UK-born population (69%). Those born within the rest of the EU were more likely to be in employment (73%) than UK-born or those born outside the EU (59%)

• Among the 11 non-UK countries of birth with the largest numbers in England and Wales in 2011, the highest levels of employment were observed for residents born in Poland (81%) and South Africa (78%)

• Recent arrivals (2007-2011) were more highly qualified than those who had been in the UK for longer, with only 11% reporting no qualifications compared to 32% of those who had lived in the UK for more than 30 years. This is likely to reflect high levels of students among recent arrivals (2007-2011)

• The proportion of the employed foreign-born population working in highly skilled occupations was higher for those who had been resident longer: 44% of recent arrivals (2007-2011) compared to 57% of those who had lived in the UK for more than 30 years

• The proportion of foreign-born residents living in owner occupied accommodation was higher for those with greater length of residence: 18% of recent arrivals (2007-2011) compared with 78% of those who had lived in the UK for more than 30 years

• Among the 11 countries of birth analysed, the proportions living in social rented housing were highest for Jamaican (35%), Bangladeshi (33%) and Nigerian-born (24%) people; these proportions remained high irrespective of length of residence and were higher than the proportion for all non-UK born (16%) and for the UK-born population (16%)

• The majority (89%) of the non-UK born population were proficient in the English language (English was either their main language or they could speak English well or very well). Polish-born recent arrivals (2007-2011) had a lower level of proficiency in English language (64%) than those Polish-born who had been in the UK for more than 30 years (94%)

• Levels of English language proficiency were lowest among the Bangladeshi-born population (70%), and varied little by length of residence. Of the top 11 non-UK countries of birth, the lowest level of English language proficiency was among Chinese-born who had been resident in the UK for more than 30 years (62%)

• The percentage of those born abroad identifying with any UK national identity was higher for those with greater length of residence: more than three quarters (77%) of those who had been resident for more than 30 years reported having a UK identity (UK identities only or mixed), the same proportion as those holding a UK passport, compared to 10% for recent arrivals (2007-2011)

This short story analyses economic and social characteristics of long-term migrants who were recorded as being usually resident¹ in England and Wales on Census night (27 March 2011), and explores the impact of length of residence in the UK for the 11 countries of birth providing the largest numbers of people born abroad. It was produced jointly by ONS and the Home Office.

Earlier 2011 Census publications have summarised data on the migrant populations in England and Wales by country of birth and nationality, and the economic and social characteristics of these groups. A more recent publication explored the timing and extent of migration from specific countries of birth, and discussed possible underlying reasons for these migrations.

This story explores differences in socio-economic characteristics between different non-UK born populations. It looks at different social and economic variables for the non-UK born population by length of residence, making comparisons within and between different non-UK born groups and with the UK-born population. Further work may be undertaken in a later story comparing age structures and socio-economic outcomes for different country of birth groups.

International migration² is an important driver of population change and can be measured in a variety of ways. There are three ways in which international migration can be measured using the 2011 Census:

• A person who was born outside the UK^{3 , 4}, and therefore has migrated to the UK at some point in the past. While some non-UK born people will have migrated recently, others will have lived in the UK for many years. Moreover, many people born abroad will be UK citizens, either because their parents were UK citizens overseas at the time of their birth, or because they have been granted UK citizenship since arriving.

• A person who holds a non-UK passport⁵ , (taken to indicate a non-UK or foreign national). Again, while some non-UK nationals will have migrated to the UK recently, others will have lived in the UK for many years.

• A person who was usually resident outside the UK one year prior to census day⁶ , indicating that they are recent arrivals who migrated to the UK in the year up to 27 March 2011. This definition would therefore exclude any international migrants who arrived in the UK prior to 27 March 2010 and will include some people who are UK-born or UK nationals.

This analysis uses the first of these definitions to define migrant populations. Unlike nationality, a person’s country of birth does not change over time, and therefore is a suitable variable to explore the characteristics of people who migrated to the United Kingdom, some of whom may either have held UK citizenship or have since obtained UK citizenship.

The following social and economic characteristics are considered in this short story:

• UK nationality (new question in 2011 Census)
• Economic activity
• Qualifications
• Occupation
• Housing tenure
• English language proficiency (new question in 2011 Census)
• National identity (new question in 2011 Census)

To assess the impact of length of residence on these social and economic characteristics, comparisons are needed for different periods of arrival. Census respondents born abroad were asked when they most recently arrived to live in the UK, permitting length of residence to be calculated⁶. Table 1 shows the proportion of the non-UK born population arriving in different periods, and shows that half of the non-UK born population usually resident in England and Wales arrived in the UK to live in the decade before the 2011 Census, including 15% who arrived in the three years following ‘A8’ Accession7 in 2004. Analysis in this report is based primarily on four arrival periods, which each account for around one quarter of the non-UK born population resident in 2011:

• Pre 1981 arrivals (resident more than 30 years at the time of the Census)

• 1981-2000 arrivals (resident 11-30 years at the time of the Census)

• 2001-2006 arrivals (resident 5-10 years at the time of the Census)

• 2007-2011 arrivals (recent arrivals, resident less than 5 years at the time of the Census)

To assess the association between length of residence and social and economic characteristics, comparisons are made between and within groups of migrants with different countries of birth, covering both recent flows and more established migrants. The 11 countries of birth selected for analysis include the 10 largest non-UK born populations in 2011 and the top five arriving in each of the four selected arrival periods. Together these 11 countries of birth account for almost half (47%) of the usually resident foreign-born population in England and Wales on Census night in 2011. Figure 1 shows the distribution of residents from each country of birth across the four lengths of residence categories, as well as the total number resident in the UK and the proportion of the non-UK born population accounted for by these countries of birth. Over half the Jamaican-born (60%) and Irish-born (65%) populations arrived in the UK more than 30 years prior to the 2011 Census, whereas half (51%) of Chinese-born residents were recent arrivals, and more than 92% of Polish-born residents had arrived in the UK since 2001.

Figure 1: Length of residence and total population in thousands (and percentage of non-UK born population), for selected countries of birth; England and Wales 2011

Source: Census - Office for National Statistics

Notes:

1. 2011 Census Table DC2804EWr was used to produce Figure 1.

Notes for introduction

1. The usually resident population refers to people who live in the UK for 12 months or more, including those who have been resident for less than 12 months but intend to stay for a total period of 12 months or more. The population base for the 2011 Census was the usually resident population of England and Wales, defined as anyone who, on the night of 27 March 2011, was either (a) resident in England and Wales and who had been resident, or intended to be resident in the UK for a period of 12 months or more, or (b) resident outside the UK but had a permanent England and Wales address and intended to be outside the UK for less than a year.

2. In compiling estimates of Long-Term International Migration (LTIM) flows, the Office for National Statistics uses the UN definition of a long-term international migrant, namely someone who changes his or her usual residence for a period of at least a year, so that the country of destination becomes the country of usual residence. A short-term international migrant is defined as a person who moves to a country other than that of his or her usual residence for a period of at least three months but less than a year (12 months). Short-term migrants are not part of the usually resident population and are hence excluded from this analyses.

3. The terms ‘born abroad’, ‘born outside the UK’, ‘foreign born’, ‘born overseas’ and ‘non-UK born’ are used interchangeably in this story.

4. Country of birth is derived from census question 9, which asks “What is your country of birth?” Country of birth (COB) cannot change over time (except as a result of international boundary changes), unlike nationality which can change. It is a measure of ‘foreign born’ people, but includes many usual residents of England and Wales born outside the UK who have subsequently become UK citizens. In addition, some people who were UK citizens at birth even though non-UK born (for example, to parents working overseas in the armed forces) will be included.

5. Passports held is derived from census question 22 which asks “What passports do you hold?”. This is used to determine UK nationality in this analysis. People may change their nationality over time or acquire dual nationality and hold more than one passport. Multivariate data tables give priority to British passports held, then Irish passports; then if someone does not have a British or Irish passport they are coded according to the response written in the ‘other’ passport box.

   

6. The length of residence and year of arrival are derived from census question 10, “If you were not born in the UK, when did you most recently arrive to live here?”. This was a new question in the 2011 Census. Question 10 excludes short visits; this is open to interpretation and not all respondents may have applied the same definition of a ‘short visit’. This may affect comparison with surveys that use the UN definition of long-term migration as a basis for determining the inflow of long-term migrants.

7. The A8 countries are: Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia.

In 2011, the Census collected data from all usual residents on nationality for the first time. Nationality is derived from census question 22 which asks “What passports do you hold?”. People may change their nationality over time or acquire dual citizenship and hold more than one passport¹ . Furthermore, some people who were born outside the UK may have held UK citizenship before migrating (through marriage or as children) and a very small number of foreign-born residents may be UK nationals but did not hold a passport at the time of the Census, including some children born abroad (possibly to British citizens).

An earlier publication reports a more detailed analysis of data from the Census on nationality and country of birth. Of the 56.1 million people usually resident in England and Wales in 2011, 76% held a UK passport, 7.4% held a foreign passport only and 17% stated they did not hold a passport². The vast majority (97%) of those with no passport were born in the UK.

This section focuses on the proportions of the non-UK born population who held a UK passport at the time of the 2011 Census. Table 3 shows this by region of birth and length of residence, while Figure 2 presents this by length of residence and individual countries of birth.

Almost half (46%) of the non-UK born population in 2011 held a UK passport. Table 2 shows that the proportion of non-UK born residents who held UK citizenship increased with length of residency for all regions of birth. The proportion of UK Citizens was much lower for those born in the EU and who therefore hold a right of freedom of movement within the EU; in total around a fifth (21%) of those born in EU countries were UK citizens compared to over half (58%) of those born outside the EU. The large majority (90%) of those born outside the EU who had been resident for more than 30 years held a UK passport. This is much higher than the proportion for those born in EU countries (51%) and is likely to reflect the fact that EU citizens have similar working rights to UK citizens, and therefore have less incentive than non-EU citizens to acquire UK nationality.

Most recent arrivals (those arriving since 1 January 2007) will not have been in the UK for the required length of time to obtain UK citizenship (5 years)³ by the time of the census. Recent arrivals who are UK nationals are therefore likely to have held UK citizenship before migrating (through marriage or as children) or be returning to the UK (after a period of residence whereby they previously obtained UK citizenship).

Of recent arrivals, those born in countries that joined the EU between 2001-2011 (EU Accession countries) were less likely to be UK nationals by the time of the Census than those born in countries which joined the EU earlier (1.0% and 7.9% respectively). However the reverse is true for those who had been in the UK for more than 30 years, with the large majority of residents born in Accession countries (who had arrived in the UK long before their country of birth’s EU Accession) having acquired UK citizenship (85%), a similar proportion to that of non-EU born in this length of residence category (90%).

The proportion of those born abroad holding UK nationality increased with length of residence for most countries of birth analysed, although there are some countries for which the increase is less notable. For example:

• American-born: there is little difference in the proportion of UK passport holders between those who had been resident in the UK for more than 10 years (11-30 years, 52%; over 30 years, 51%).

• Irish-born: there is little difference in the proportion who had become UK nationals for those who had been resident for 5-10 years (10%) and 11-30 years (11%). Of all non-UK born residents in the UK for more than 30 years, Irish-born had the lowest proportion of UK nationals (32%). This is likely to reflect a lower incentive for Irish citizens to acquire UK citizenship as they largely have the same rights as UK citizens.

Some of the variation in the time before acquiring citizenship is likely to be due to the time constraints and rules for obtaining UK citizenship for non-UK nationals arriving under different immigration routes or in different periods. The high proportions of British nationals among some country of birth groups is likely to reflect the longer period of time in which they have resided in the UK as well as, for some very long-term residents, being attributable to the British Nationality Act of 1948 which conferred British citizenship on all Commonwealth citizens at that time. Nonetheless, the proportion of residents born in India who held British nationality was relatively low (55%), despite a high proportion of Indian-born in the longer length of residence categories. This may in part reflect the fact that the Indian Constitution does not permit Indian nationals to hold dual nationality. An Indian national has to surrender their passport and rights as an Indian national, in order to acquire UK citizenship.

A higher proportion of the population born in Commonwealth countries held a UK passport compared with those born in other non-EU countries. This is likely to reflect a combination of factors, including both the more recent arrival of a relatively higher proportion of people from non-Commonwealth countries outside the EU (within the last 10 years) as well as the lack of direct entitlement to citizenship. For example, the relatively low proportion of Chinese-born residents who had acquired UK citizenship reflects the fact that half (51%) of the Chinese-born population resident in the UK were recent arrivals, and a large proportion of Chinese-born aged 16 to 64 were students (76%). Migration for study is intended to be a temporary immigration category, and so students were likely to have had an intention to leave the UK after completing their studies. Also, they would not have had sufficient time to take up skilled work or apply for a more permanent migration status with a prospect of settlement. The majority (94%) of those born in China who had been in the UK for more than 30 years held a UK passport, but a relatively small proportion of the total Chinese-born population (6.5%) had been resident in the UK for this length of time.

The Migrant Journey Second Report found that certain nationalities on different types of visas tended to have a higher likelihood of gaining settlement rights in the UK than others. Among visa-holders arriving in 2004, people from developing countries tended to seek settlement rights in the UK to a greater degree than those from more developed countries. For example, for those migrants arriving on a family visa in 2004, 81% of Pakistani nationals and 70% of Indian nationals had settled five years later, whereas only 30% of American nationals and 10% of Australian family visa holders did so. For migrants on a skilled work visa in 2004 a similar pattern emerged, with 32% of Indian nationals having settled five years later, compared to 9% of American nationals (the second largest number arriving in that year). A similar pattern can also be seen among those on a student visa in 2004, although the numbers who settled in the UK within five years was much lower, which will reflect both an intention to leave the UK as migration for study is a temporary immigration category, as well as the longer time it would take to switch into another migration category with a route to permanent settlement.

Of the 11 countries of birth examined in this story, those with the lowest proportions of UK nationals were Poland (4.9%) and Ireland (24%). As nationals of these EU countries have similar rights to UK nationals, people born in these countries have a lower incentive to acquire UK nationality. While the same lack of incentive may apply to the German-born population, the proportion of German-born who were UK nationals is relatively high, at over a half (57%), compared to the other European countries considered. This difference is likely to be attributable to German-born spouses of UK service personnel and children born to UK personnel stationed in Germany who are entitled to UK citizenship.

Figure 2: Proportion of non-UK born population who are UK passport holders by length of residence and country of birth

Source: Census - Office for National Statistics

Notes:

1. 2011 Census Table CT0161 was used to produce Figure 2.

Notes for UK nationality

1. Tables give priority to British passports held, then Irish passports; then if someone does not have a British or Irish passport they are coded according to the response written in the ‘other’ passport box.

2. The reasons for not having a passport will vary by country, but may include: asylum seekers without travel documentation awaiting a decision; those born in the Republic of Ireland who did not require a passport in order to enter the UK; those from other EU countries, including Poland, who may have arrived here using a national identity card; those who may have acquired UK nationality but do not currently hold a passport; those who moved here a long time ago and whose passport has expired or not been renewed; those who arrived as children on a parent’s passport; and respondent error/misinterpretation in the census.

3. This reduces to 3 years for those who have a UK national spouse.

Data on economic activity¹ describe a person’s main activity in the week before the Census for those aged 16 and over. In order to reduce the effects of varying age profiles for different countries of birth, economic activity is reported for those aged 16 to 64 years. Restricting analysis in this way excludes 40% (740,000) of the non-UK born population who had been in the UK for more than 30 years, of whom 83% (614,000) were retired and 11% (83,000) were employed.

Economic activity is divided into four main categories:

• Employed (including those who are in full/part time employment and self employed, and excluding students in full-time education as study is considered to be their main activity; however economically active part-time students are included).

• Unemployed (those unemployed and actively seeking work, excluding students).

• Economically inactive (including those who are retired, looking after home, dependants or others. Excluding students).

• Students (full-time students who are economically active or inactive, and part-time students who are economically inactive).

In contrast to ONS Labour Market employment analyses, students have been included as a separate category as study is an important factor for migration and, therefore, for migration analysis. This publication also identifies some differences in the levels of economic activity reported in the 2011 Census when compared with the Labour Force Survey, and explains why these occur.

While census data reflect economic activity at the time of the census, that activity will not necessarily reflect the original reason for a person’s migration. For example, an individual may come to the UK to study but stay on after the course of study is complete and be working at the time of the census. Very recent arrivals are more likely to be engaged in the activity for which they originally entered the UK. A recent Home Office Report provides evidence from the Labour Force Survey of the economic activity of foreign-born residents by their original reason for coming to the UK.

Data on economic activity of those aged 16 and over have been reported in a previous Census publication. Table 3 shows economic activity for the total non-UK born population aged 16 to 64 by length of residence and region of birth. Of the 6.0 million non-UK born population aged 16 to 64, 63% were in employment, a slightly lower level than the UK-born population (69%), largely due to the higher proportion who were studying. A similar proportion of non-UK born were economically inactive (17%), compared to 16% of the UK-born population. The non-UK born population also had a higher percentage of students (14%) than the UK-born population (9.7%), reflecting the younger age structures of migrant populations, and the popularity of the UK as a study destination for international students. Those born within the EU were more likely to be in employment (73%) than those born outside the EU (59%). Accordingly, EU-born residents were less likely to be studying (11%) or economically inactive: other (9.2%) than those born outside the EU (16% and 17% respectively).

Those aged 16 to 64 years born outside the UK were less likely to be in employment (63%) than the UK-born population (69%), largely due to the larger proportion that were studying. However those born in the EU were more likely to be employed (73%) than the UK-born population. Those born outside the EU had the lowest proportion employed (59%).

Differences in the composition of EU and non-EU born are most apparent in recent arrivals, with 69% of those born in the EU being in employment compared to 43% of those born outside the EU. Again, the difference is largely accounted for by the high proportion of recently arrived foreign-born who were studying. These differences reduce as length of residence in the UK increases: of those who have been in the UK for more than 30 years, 69% of those born in the EU and 68% of those born outside the EU were in employment.

• Overall, the highest proportions in employment were observed for residents born in Poland (81%) and South Africa (78%). This corresponds with employment rates relating to the first quarter of 2011 reported in the May 2011 Labour Market Statistic Release. Based on estimates from the Labour Force Survey data, this publication reports an employment rate of 82% for both South African-born and those born in EU8 countries2. It should be noted that there were some differences in the levels of economic activity reported in the 2011 Census when compared with the Labour Force Survey. A previous ONS publication discusses these differences and why they occur.

• Overall, the lowest levels of employment were reported by Chinese-born (38%), reflecting the relatively high proportion of Chinese residents who were students (47%, compared to 14% for all non-UK born). There were similar levels of employment among Bangladeshi-born (44%), which is similar to the combined employment rate (49%) for Pakistani and Bangladeshi-born reported in the May 2011 Labour Market Statistic Release. For Bangladeshi-born the relatively low employment rate is reflected in a high proportion in the economically inactive: other group who are looking after home, dependants or others (35%, compared to 15% for all non-UK born).

• When looking at different lengths of residence, the highest levels of employment were among Polish-born who had lived in the UK for 5-10 years (84%). Residents born in South Africa (80%) and Ireland (79%) who arrived in the same period also had high proportions in employment. The highest proportion in employment observed for those resident 11-30 years was for those born in South Africa (77%).

• Of the foreign-born residents who had been in the UK for 5-10 years and 11-30 years, those born in Bangladesh (43% and 46% respectively) and Pakistan (50% and 48% respectively) had the lowest proportions in employment. This is largely due to the relatively high proportions of women in the economically inactive: other category ( those who were looking after home or family, long term sick or disabled or other) in these groups (62-63%), compared to the total non-UK-born population (26% for those resident 11-30 years; 21% of those resident 30 years or more).

Unemployed

Table 3 shows similar levels of unemployment among the UK-born (4.8%), non-UK born (5.3%), EU-born (4.1%) and non-EU born (5.8%). Unemployment levels do not appear to be associated with length of residence in the UK, with recent arrivals having similar proportions unemployed to those who had been in the UK for more than 30 years.

Compared to other countries of birth, Jamaican-born residents had the highest levels of unemployment among recent arrivals (12%), those resident 5-10 years (11%) and those resident 11-30 years (12%), all exceeding the UK-born and total non-UK born proportions unemployed (4.8% and 5.3% respectively). For these periods of residence, men born in Jamaica consistently had higher proportions reporting being unemployed compared to women.

Economically inactive

Among those aged 16 to 64 years, the levels of economic inactivity are similar for the UK- born (16%) and non-UK born populations (17%). Differences are however apparent by region of birth, with a fifth (20%) of non-EU born being economically inactive, compared to 12% of those born within the EU. This difference is due to a higher proportion of the non-EU born population in the economic ‘inactive: other’ category, who are looking after home, dependants or others (17% compared to 9.2%). Levels of economic inactivity increased with length of residence in the UK for all regions of birth, in both levels of retirement and other economic inactivity (e.g. looking after home, dependants or others).

The proportion of the population who were categorised as ‘inactive: other’ varied between countries of birth.

• Overall, Bangladeshi-born and Pakistani-born had the highest percentages of ‘inactive: other’ (both 35%). Levels were lowest among recent arrivals (23% and 30% respectively) and highest among those who had been in the UK for 11-30 years (39% and 38% respectively).

• Overall, the lowest proportion of ‘inactive: other’ was among those born in South Africa (7.5%) and this remained low across the length of residence groups (peaking at 9.9% for those who had been in the UK for more than 30 years).

• For recent arrivals the lowest proportions in the ‘inactive: other’ group were among those born in Ireland (6.0%), China (6.1%), Germany (6.7%) and South Africa (7.0%). Restricting analysis to those aged 16 to 64 excludes 82% of both the non-UK born (710,000) and UK-born (7.2 million) populations who were retired. In order to explore differences in retirement levels, additional analysis was carried out on the population aged 16 and over. Variation in the proportion of the population who were retired by length of residence is closely related to variation in age structures; however, differences were also observed between countries of birth.

• Retired proportions for residents who had been living in the UK for more than 30 years varied greatly by country of birth: Poland (73%), Ireland (61%), and China (61%) had the highest percentages retired for this length of residence group; these countries also had the highest percentages of those resident more than 30 years who were aged 65 and over. Differences will also relate to how long before 1981 people arrived: later arrivals in this period may still have been working in 2011, whereas earlier arrivals are more likely to have retired.

• Jamaican-born (6.1%), Irish-born (4.1%) and South African-born (3.6%) had the highest percentages of retirees among recent arrivals in 2011, and also the highest percentages aged 65 and over. This may relate to reasons for migration: for example, people nearing or at retirement age seeking to join family members already in the UK. These countries have a long history of migration to the UK and have established communities living here.

Students

Of the total foreign-born population, 14% were either full-time students or economically inactive part-time students at the time of the Census. Those born outside the EU were more likely to be studying (16%) than those born within the EU (11%). Student numbers were much higher among recent arrivals (29%), with over a third (37%) of recent arrivals born outside the EU studying at the time of the Census. This reflects Home Office visa data which show that study is the most common reason for coming to the UK for non-EU nationals. The proportion of students varied by country of birth, reflecting the variety of reasons for which people come to the UK. Reason for migrating data from the International Passenger Survey (IPS) show that 70% of those migrating to the UK for formal study in the year ending March 2014 were non-EU citizens.

Around half (54%) of those aged 16 to 64 born in China who were resident in the UK at the time of the Census were recent arrivals; three quarters (76%) of these were students. The Chinese-born recent arrivals aged 16 to 64 also had the highest percentage aged 16 to 24 (68%) compared to other countries of birth in Figure 3. Recent arrivals aged 16 to 64 who were born in China (76%) and Nigeria (43%) had the highest percentage of students among the countries of birth analysed in this report. This is also reflected in visa data.

Polish-born (8.6%) and South African-born (11%) recent arrivals had the lowest proportions of students, while recent Chinese-born arrivals had the highest, reflecting the difference in reasons for coming to the UK; this can also be seen from other data sources, such as Home Office visa statistics and the ONS Labour Force Survey.

Figure 3: Economic activity by length of residence and country of birth for aged 16-64

Source: Census - Office for National Statistics

Notes:

1. 2011 Census Table CT0159 was used to produce Figure 3.

Notes for economic activity

1. The economic status of usual residents aged 16 and over in England and Wales was derived from the census questions 30-38 and a full breakdown of all economic categories can be found in the data table TH2203EW. The economic activity status is based on the individual’s activity on census day, rather than the reason for migration. An individual may come to the UK to study and on completion of the study remain and be working in England and Wales on census day.There are some differences in the levels of economic activity reported in the 2011 Census when compared with the Labour Force Survey. A previous ONS publication discusses these differences and why they occur.

2. The A8 countries are: Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia Republic and Slovenia.

The 2011 Census asked residents aged 16 years and over which qualifications they held at the time of the census¹. The highest level of qualifications in the usually resident population aged 16 and over in 2011 was reported in a previous census publication: 26% of UK-born and 35% of non-UK born held a level 4 (degree level) or above qualification in 2011. Educational attainment is a snapshot at one point in time, and may not reflect lifetime attainment levels, particularly for those who were younger, and in full time education at the time of the Census. This analysis reports four categories of qualification²:

• No qualifications

• Other qualifications (including apprenticeships) – vocational qualifications and foreign qualifications for which the UK equivalent is not known

• Qualified to level 1, 2 or 3 – secondary and tertiary education

• Qualified to level 4 or above - degree level or above.

Table 4 shows that recent arrivals were more highly qualified than those who had been in the UK for longer, with 38% of recent arrivals having level 4 or above qualifications (and only 11% reporting no qualifications), compared to 29% of those who had lived in the UK for more than 30 years (and 32% reporting no qualifications).

Table 4 also shows that the proportion of non-UK born reporting ‘Other’ qualifications (21%) was much higher than that of UK-born (7.2%); this difference is most evident for recent arrivals, where almost a third (30%) of non-UK born reported having ‘Other’ qualifications. This may reflect an increase in migrants with vocational qualifications (such as plumbing and electrical) or migrants with qualifications for which the UK equivalent is not known. Figure 4 shows that Polish-born (41%) and Chinese-born (23%) residents displayed the highest levels of ‘Other’ qualifications. These countries of birth also had relatively high numbers of recent arrivals (40% and 51% respectively).

Figure 4 shows that for the majority of the foreign-born populations studied in this report, recent arrivals displayed smaller proportions with no qualifications compared to those who had been in the UK for more than five years. This is likely to reflect the general increase in formal qualifications and compulsory education in many countries over time. Consequently, the age profile of different groups will affect the overall level of qualifications held; for example, around three quarters (75%) of recent arrivals aged 16 and over were aged 16 to 34, and as a result of this younger age profile they were generally better qualified than those who had lived in the UK for longer. The changing nature of migrant flows, as well as more stringent immigration requirements for non-EU citizens with regard to qualifications and skills, may also be associated with the qualification level of recent arrivals.

In addition, reasons for migrating to the UK will also impact upon the highest levels of qualification reported for individual countries of origin. Just under a third (29%) of recent arrivals aged 16 to 64 were students, and around half of these were likely to be studying at postgraduate level (as indicated by 2010/2011 enrolment data produced by the Higher Education Statistics Authority³). The high number of well qualified recent arrivals is likely to reflect this.

• For all non-UK born populations, the highest proportions of residents with no qualifications were among those who had lived in the UK for more than 30 years. Irish-born (49%), Pakistani-born (49%) and Bangladeshi-born (49%) residents who had lived in the UK for more than 30 years had the highest levels with no qualifications, much higher than for the UK-born (23%) and the overall proportion for non-UK born (19%).

• Irish-born recent arrivals were far less likely to have no qualifications (7.4%) than Irish-born who had been in the UK for more than 30 years (49%); this was also the case in the Chinese-born population (8.4% and 48% respectively).

• Irrespective of length of residence, American (57%), Nigerian (56%), South African (46%), and German-born (37%) residents displayed higher proportions of level 4 and above qualifications compared to the UK-born population (26%), while Jamaican-born (21%) and Bangladeshi-born (18%) residents displayed lower proportions of level 4 and above qualifications. Differences are in part related to the age profile of these groups and the types of occupation in which different groups are employed.

• Recent arrivals born in India were more likely to have level 4 or above qualifications (59%) than Indian-born residents who had been in the UK for more than 30 years (25%). A similar pattern is evident for Pakistani-born residents (36% and 16% respectively); this may reflect tighter entrance requirements in recent years, reason for migration, and the jobs which different groups of arrivals came to the UK to do.

Figure 4: Highest qualification by country of birth and length of residence

Source: Census - Office for National Statistics

Notes:

1. 2011 Census Table CT0158 was used to produce Figure 4.

Notes for qualifications

1. Qualifications held is derived from Census 2011 question 25 which asks all usual residents aged 16 and over “Which of these qualifications do you have?”. Respondents were classified by their highest level of qualification. Those who held foreign qualifications were asked to indicate the closest UK equivalent. Hence, when comparing highest qualification attained there is some weighting towards lower level qualifications, particularly among younger adults as they may not have completed their education.

   

   There were 11 response options for UK qualifications (plus no qualifications and foreign qualifications). For respondents who selected both ‘foreign qualifications’ and ‘UK equivalent’, priority was given to the highest UK equivalent. Respondents who selected ‘foreign qualifications’ with no UK equivalent were assigned to the ‘Other’ category. The 11 UK qualifications were combined into four categories for the highest level of qualification, plus categories for ‘Apprenticeship’, ‘Other and ‘None’: Level 1: 1-4 O Levels/CSE/GCSEs (any grades), Entry Level, Foundation Diploma, NVQ Level 1, Foundation GNVQ, Basic/Essential Skills; Level 2: 5+ O Level (Passes)/CSEs (Grade 1)/GCSEs (Grades A*-C), School Certificate, 1 A Level/ 2-3 AS Levels/VCEs, Intermediate/Higher Diploma, Welsh Baccalaureate Intermediate Diploma, NVQ level 2, Intermediate GNVQ, City and Guilds Craft, BTEC First/ General Diploma, RSA Diploma; Level 3: 2+ A Levels/VCEs, 4+ AS Levels, Higher School Certificate, Progression/Advanced Diploma, Welsh Baccalaureate Advanced Diploma, NVQ Level 3; Advanced GNVQ, City and Guilds Advanced Craft, ONC, OND, BTEC National, RSA Advanced Diploma; Level 4+: Degree (for example BA, BSc), Higher Degree (for example MA, PhD, PGCE), NVQ Level 4-5, HNC, HND, RSA Higher Diploma, BTEC Higher level, Foundation degree (NI), Professional qualifications (for example teaching, nursing, accountancy); Apprenticeship; Other: Vocational/Work-related Qualifications, Foreign Qualifications (Not stated/ level unknown).

2. Direct comparison between 2011 and 2001 is limited, as some of the qualification estimates are not directly comparable: in 2001 the qualification question applied to ages 16-74, while in 2011 this was increased to include all usual residents aged 16 and over.

3. HESA 2010/2011 enrolment data relate to non-UK domiciled students (i.e. those residing outside the UK when applying to study).

The 2011 Census collected self-assessed information from residents aged 16 or over about the jobs people held, both according to the type of work undertaken and the industry in which they worked at the time of the census. This information is classified by occupation and industry for those who were economically active and in employment during the week before the Census¹. Of the non-UK born population aged 16 and over, 4.1 million (60%) reported being in employment a week before the Census, while for the UK-born population 22.6 million (58%) reported being in employment a week before the Census. This difference in proportion may partly reflect the older age profile of the UK-born population compared to the non-UK born population.

Occupational characteristics of the non-UK born population in 2011 have been reported in a previous Census publication. This report noted that for the non-UK born, professional occupations, such as dentists, teachers, and solicitors were most common (21%) followed by elementary occupations, such as security guards, cleaners and bar staff (16%). For the UK-born there were lower proportions in both the professional occupations (17%) and elementary occupations (10%) compared to foreign-born residents.

This section focuses on differences in occupation within and between non-UK born populations. The published data are available for nine major occupation groups, which for this analysis have been collapsed into two groups, higher skilled and lower skilled jobs, as used within previous ONS labour market publications². While alternative breakdowns of occupation have been considered these did not considerably alter the picture presented.

Table 5 shows that in 2011 similar proportions of UK-born and non-UK born populations were working in highly skilled occupations (53% and 51% respectively). The proportion of the non-UK born population in more highly skilled occupations was higher for those with greater length of residence, with 44% of employed recent arrivals in highly skilled occupations, compared to 57% of those who had lived in the UK for more than 30 years. This difference is most evident among those born in the EU (39% and 55% respectively), reflecting the relatively low proportion (27%) of highly skilled workers among recent arrivals born in countries that joined the EU between 2001-2011; recent arrivals from pre-Accession countries were more than twice as likely to work in higher skilled occupations (65%).

While the Census provides data relating to a single time point, previous HO research has shown that lower-skilled employment has been falling consistently for UK-born residents over the last decade, but growing among non-UK born residents, particularly among those born in the EU.

Table 6 shows that Indian-born (199,000) and Polish-born (133,000) populations had the highest numbers of residents employed in highly skilled occupations, which may reflect their respective positions as the top two non-UK born countries of birth in the resident population. While the proportion of Indian-born in high skilled occupations (53%) was slightly higher than that of the non-UK born (51%), the proportion of Polish-born population in high skilled occupations was lower (32%). The proportions of residents in highly skilled occupations were highest for those born in the United States (76%, 73,000), South Africa (68%, 90,000), China (67%, 39,000), Ireland (60%, 106,000), and Germany (60%, 96,000), which all exceeded the proportion in the UK-born (53%) and non-UK born (51%) populations.

As well as ‘professional occupations’, highly skilled categorised occupations include ‘skilled trades’³ such as: skilled agricultural, and metal and electrical trades. The Polish-born population had the highest volume of residents employed in skilled trades (66,000), comprising 17% of the total non-UK born population in these occupations (388,000) and more than double the proportion of other countries analysed here (ranging from 1% for American-born to 6% for Indian-born). Of the total Polish-born population employed in highly skilled occupations, half (49%) were working in skilled trades.

The proportion of residents in skilled trade occupations was highest for those born in China (19%, 11,000), Bangladesh (19%, 17,000) and Poland (16%, 66,000), which all exceeded the proportion in the UK-born and non-UK born populations (12% and 9%, respectively).

Proportions of residents in highly skilled occupations were lowest for those born in Poland (32%), Pakistan (39%), Jamaica (41%) and Bangladesh (44%); all were lower than the UK-born population (53%). These groups also reported the lowest levels of level 4 or above qualifications (23%, 22%, 21%, and 18%, respectively).

Figure 5 presents occupational characteristics for the 11 countries of birth by length of residence. It shows that for those born in Bangladesh, China, Nigeria, Poland and South Africa, the proportion of residents in highly skilled employment was higher for those with greater length of residence. However, for some groups, such as the American-born and Irish-born, the proportions in highly skilled jobs decreased with length of residence. The association between length of residence and occupation type is less clear for those born in India, Jamaica and Pakistan.

• Irish-born residents showed the greatest difference in proportions of highly skilled workers between those that had lived in the UK for more than 30 years (49%) and recent arrivals (72%). This in part reflects the differing age profiles and levels of qualifications of these different groups. Recent Irish-born residents had higher levels of qualifications compared to longer term residents, with the majority of the most recent arrivals holding a level 4 or above qualification (56%), compared to 18% of those who had been resident for more than 30 years.

• Polish-born recent arrivals had lower proportions in highly skilled occupations (26%) than Polish-born who had lived in the UK for longer (5-10 years, 34%; 11-30 years, 56%; 30 years or more, 53%). This is likely to reflect the fact that although Polish-born recent arrivals aged 16 and over in employment were predominantly in the younger age ranges (54% aged 25 to 34), a relatively low proportion were qualified to level 4 or above (19%, compared to 38% for total non-UK born recent arrivals. Of those Polish-born who had lived in the UK for 5-10 years and 11-30 years, in each group 17% were in skilled trade occupations compared to 14% for recent arrivals and 9% of those resident for more than 30 years.

• A similar pattern can be seen in the Nigerian-born population, with a lower proportion of recent arrivals working in highly skilled jobs (32%) compared to those who had lived in the UK for 5 years or more (46-64%). However, unlike Polish-born recent arrivals, this does not appear to reflect lower levels of qualification as over half of Nigerian-born recent arrivals were qualified to level 4 or above (55%), which may be attributable to relatively high proportions of students among Nigerian-born recent arrivals (43%, compared to 8.6% for Polish-born).

Figure 5: Occupation by country of birth and length of residence

Source: Census - Office for National Statistics

Notes:

1. 2011 Census Table CT0160 was used to produce Figure 5.

Notes for occupation

1. A person aged 16 or over is defined as employed (or in employment) if in the week before the census they carried out at least one hour’s paid work, either as an employee or self employed, and economically active students. This includes casual or temporary work, on a government sponsored training scheme, doing paid or unpaid work for their own family or business, being away from work ill, on maternity leave, or on holiday or temporarily laid off.

2. Lower skilled occupations include the following occupation groups: Administrative and secretarial occupations; caring, leisure and other service occupations; Sales and customer service occupations; process, plant and machine operatives; elementary occupations. Higher skilled occupations include the following occupation groups: Managers, directors and senior officials; professional occupations; associate professional and technical occupations; skilled trade occupations.

3. Skilled Trade occupations include: Skilled agricultural and related trades; Skilled metal, electrical and electronic trades; Skilled construction and building trades; and Textiles, printing and other skilled trades

The 2011 Census collected information on housing tenure from all usual residents in households¹. This section focuses on differences in housing tenure within and between non-UK born populations. Data is presented on an individual level and excludes 1.0 million people living in communal establishments². Housing tenure has been aggregated into three categories:

• Owned (including owned outright, owned with a mortgage, and shared ownership).

• Social rented (including council, housing association and charitable trust properties).

• Private rented (including living rent free)

Previous analysis noted that a higher proportion of the UK-born population lived in owner occupied properties (69%) than the non-UK born population (46%). A higher proportion of non-UK born lived in private rented accommodation (38% compared to 15% for the UK-born population), while proportions in social housing were similar (both 16%).

However, this pattern changed the longer migrants had been in the UK. Table 7 and Figure 6 summarise tenure by length of residence, showing that the proportion of non-UK born residents living in owner occupied accommodation was higher for those with greater length of residence: while 18% of recent arrivals lived in owner occupied accommodation, this rose to 78% for those who had been in the UK for more than 30 years, exceeding the proportion of UK-born in this category (69%). The proportion of non-UK born in privately rented accommodation decreased with time spent in the UK: 73% of recent arrivals lived in private rented accommodation but this fell to 7.8% for those who had lived in the UK for more than 30 years. Length of residence did not have a clear association with social renting: the highest proportions were seen in those resident between 11-30 years (23%), higher than the level of social renting among recent arrivals (8.7%) as well as those resident for more than 30 years (14%).

Figure 7 shows that of all the non-UK born populations examined, Pakistani-born (64%), Indian-born (64%) and Irish-born (63%) residents had the highest proportions living in owner occupied properties. For all the non-UK born populations, those who had lived in the UK for more than 30 years had the highest levels living in owner occupied accommodation. Indian- born residents had the highest proportion (89%) living in owner occupied properties for this length of residence group.

Nearly three-quarters (73%) of recent arrivals lived in private rented accommodation, much higher than the average for the UK-born population (15%). Conversely, the proportion of recent arrivals living in owner occupied accommodation (18%) or social housing (8.7%) were lower than the UK-born population (69% and 16% respectively).

Social housing occupancy was highest for populations born in Jamaica (35%), Bangladesh (33%), and Nigeria (24%). Length of residence did not have a clear association with the level of social renting for these populations, and they consistently showed higher proportions in social housing compared to UK-born and other non-UK born populations. This is likely to relate to the relatively high levels of unemployment among the population aged 16 to 64 for these countries of birth (Bangladesh 7.2%, Nigeria 7.8% and Jamaica 9.8%) compared to the UK-born and non-UK born populations (4.8% and 5.3% respectively), which is in turn related to income levels.

Figure 7: Housing tenure by country of birth and length of residence

Source: Census - Office for National Statistics

Notes:

1. 2011 Census Table BD0064 was used to produce Figure 7.

Notes for housing tenure

1. Housing tenure is derived from Census 2011 question H12 which asked ‘Does your household own or rent this accommodation?’

   

   If respondent selected renting (including shared ownership) then they were directed to Question H13 asking ‘who is your landlord’?

2. A communal establishment is an establishment providing managed residential accommodation. ‘Managed’ in this context means full-time or part-time supervision of the accommodation. This includes hospitals, rest and nursing homes, student halls of residence, prisons, remand centres, hostels and bed and breakfast establishments and boarding schools. These categories include staff who live on the premises.

A question on English language proficiency was included in the 2011 Census for the first time¹. It is a self defined subjective question based upon the respondent’s own view of the language skills of themselves and their household, and was asked for all persons aged 3 and over. Earlier ONS publications reported that half (49%) of the non-UK born population spoke English as their main language; a further 40% could speak English well or very well while 1.6% could not speak English at all. This section focuses on differences in English language proficiency within and between non-UK born populations. The following proficiency groups are looked at:

• Proficient: main language English

• Proficient: main language is not English; Speaks English well or very well

• Non-proficient: main language is not English; Cannot speak English well or at all

Table 8 shows English proficiency for all non-UK born (aged 3 and over) by length of residence. For the total non-UK born population, 89% were proficient in English. In 2011, recent arrivals were less likely to be proficient in English (84%) than those who had been in the UK for longer (5-10 years, 90%; 11-30 years, 90%; more than 30 years, 93%).

Figure 8 shows how English proficiency differed by length of residence and country of birth for five countries. Of the 11 countries examined, six countries of birth were excluded (Jamaica, US, Ireland, Nigeria, Germany and South Africa) because proficiency levels were very high among residents born in these countries (99% or more).

The proportion of residents who stated that English was their main language was highest in the Indian-born population (45%), while overall 86% of Indian-born residents were proficient in English. In contrast, the Bangladeshi-born population had the highest proportion of non-proficient English speakers (30%).

English was the main language of only 8.5% of Polish-born residents; however, in total 75% were proficient in English, as over two thirds (67%) were able to speak English well or very well. The pattern of English language proficiency decreasing for more recent arrivals was only evident for the Polish-born population, where around two thirds (64%) of recent arrivals were proficient in English compared to 94% of the Polish-born population who had been resident in the UK for more than 30 years at the time of the census.

Figure 8: Language proficiency by country of birth and length of residence (aged 3 years and over)

Source: Census - Office for National Statistics

Notes:

1. 2011 Census Table CT0157 was used to produce Figure 8.

For Chinese and Indian-born populations, the proportions of proficient English speakers were higher among recent arrivals than for those who had been in the UK longer. This is most notable in the Chinese-born population, where 84% of recent arrivals were proficient in English compared to 62% of those who had been in the UK for more than 30 years. This difference is likely to reflect the high proportion of Chinese-born recent arrivals who were studying in the UK and were therefore required to meet English language criteria. In contrast, reported levels of English proficiency among Chinese-born who had been resident in the UK for more than 30 years were the lowest for any country of birth group (62%).

Overall, levels of English language proficiency were lowest in the Bangladeshi-born population (70%). Figure 8 shows that the period of arrival appears to have little association with English language proficiency for this group, but once again the highest levels were among recent arrivals (74%) and the lowest among residents who had been in the UK for 11-30 years (68%). Figure 9 shows language proficiency in Bangladeshi-born residents who are aged 16 and over: older Bangladeshi residents were more likely to be non-proficient in English irrespective of how long they had been resident in the UK. In every length of residence and age group, Bangladeshi-born females were less likely to speak English well than males.

Figure 9: Bangladeshi-born aged 16 and over who are non-proficient in English, by length of residence and age group

Notes for English language proficiency

1. English language proficiency is derived from question 19 of the 2011 Census. Those whose main language was not English (English or Welsh in Wales) were asked “How well can you speak English (or Welsh)?”

   

   Proficiency in English (or Welsh) is self-reported and does not reflect any formal assessment or qualification. English proficiency of different migrant groups will be significantly determined by the spoken language of those countries (for example, Australian migrants will speak English as their main language while those from Poland will speak Polish as their main language).

A question on national identity was included in the 2011 Census for the first time¹. This was a self defined question based upon the respondent’s own view of their national identity. Respondents could select multiple identities, including more than one UK identity (i.e. English, Scottish, Welsh, Northern Irish or British) and one non-UK identity.

Previous analysis reported that of the 7.5 million non-UK born residents, 42% reported only UK identities and 3.8% had a mixed identity (identifying with at least one UK identity and a non-UK identity). The remaining 55% of those born outside the UK described themselves as of a non-UK identity only. A similar proportion of the non-UK born population did not hold a UK passport (54%); however these are not necessarily the same people.

Table 9 shows national identity by length of residence. The percentage of those born abroad identifying with at least one UK national identity² was higher for those with greater length of residence; more than three quarters (77%) of those who had been resident for more than 30 years reported having at least one UK identity (UK only or mixed), compared to 65% for those resident 11-30 years, 30% for those resident 5-10 years and 10% for the most recent arrivals. Conversely, the majority (90%) of recent arrivals described themselves as having a non-UK identity only. These recent arrivals included relatively high proportions of students aged 16 to 64 (24%) and other temporary workers who are likely to be resident in the UK for a finite period of time and therefore less likely to assign themselves a UK identity.

Figure 10 shows national identity by country of birth and length of residence.

• Of the top 11 countries of birth, Bangladeshi and Jamaican-born had the highest proportions identifying with at least one UK identity (UK only or mixed - both 71%), while Polish-born (93%) and Chinese-born (75%) residents had the highest proportions identifying with a non-UK identity only. This is likely to reflect the differing length of residence of these groups: unlike the Bangladeshi and Jamaican-born populations, a relatively high proportion of Chinese-born (51%) and Polish-born (40%) arrived less than 5 years before the Census and have therefore had less time to develop a UK identity, and had not been in the UK long enough to apply for citizenship.

• South African-born had the highest proportion people reporting mixed identity (8.7%); this may relate to historic and familial ties with the UK. The American-born also had high proportions of mixed identity (8.2%).

• While the majority (65%) of Irish-born had been in the UK for more than 30 years, only 30% of the total Irish-born population reported a UK identity. This proportion increased for those who had been in the UK for more than 30 years (39%); however it remained low relative to the non-UK born total for this length of residence group (77%). Similarly, the proportion of Irish-born UK passport holders was relatively low (24%). The Irish-born appear to associate with a non-UK identity despite spending many decades in the UK. Similarly, the American-born population that had lived in the UK for more than 30 years had a relatively low proportion identifying with a UK identity (63%) compared to other non-UK born populations and also had relatively low levels of UK passport holders (32%).

Figure 10: National identity by country of birth and length of residence

Source: Census - Office for National Statistics

Notes:

1. 2011 Census Table CT0162EW as used to produce Figure 10.

Notes for national identity

1. National identity is derived from Census question 15 which asks “How would you describe your national identity”. From these the grouped categories of British only (any combination of British or the four constituent UK countries), Mixed (both a British and non-British identity) or non-British only (Other identity as specified) were derived.

   

2. At least one UK national identity includes any combination of British or the four UK countries and any non-UK identity.